Tuesday, September 29, 2009

Bolivarianismo: ¿crecerá a pesar de su gran oposición?

Bolivarianismo: ¿crecerá a pesar de su gran oposición?

Por Fernando Olmos

Los medios de comunicación informan con frecuencia sobre decisiones tomadas por el presidente de Venezuela Hugo Chávez. Reproducen la molestia de la oposición caraqueña y, al mismo tiempo, el apoyo popular brindado –al menos en las urnas- por la ciudadanía venezolana. Lo mismo ocurre con las actividades y empresas emprendidas por otros mandatarios latinoamericanos que siguen el denominado modelo bolivariano de desarrollo, o que manifiestan sus simpatías hacia él.
Sin embargo, se desconoce cuáles son los alcances de éste modelo y qué reacción provoca en sus seguidores y detractores. En este trabajo se analizan diferentes opiniones sobre el modelo de sociedad planteado por el mandatario venezolano y otros jefes de Estado latinoamericanos, como Evo Morales de Bolivia, Rafael Correa de Ecuador y Raúl Castro de Cuba. El modelo bolivariano tiene puntales que lo identifican, pero una oposición fervorosa y argumentativa que le torpedea las posibilidades de difusión.
Pedro Fernández Barbadillo, en su publicación “El eje bolivariano busca la guerra” señala que el bolivarianismo es un movimiento expansionista y hasta imperialista. Hugo Chávez, que reprocha a Estados Unidos, a la UE, al secretario general de la OEA, a la Iglesia y hasta a España -cuando gobernaba José María Aznar- presuntas intromisiones en su gobierno o su país, no vacila en denigrar a otros jefes de Estado, amenazar a ciudadanos extranjeros y ofrecer ayuda económica y militar a gobernantes amigos. Ante el fracaso del reforzamiento constitucional del régimen chavista mediante la reelección indefinida, el objetivo actual del Eje Caracas-La Habana-Quito-La Paz es la anexión ideológica de Colombia1.
Otros consideran que el bolivarianismo es una nueva premisa que es, de una u otra forma, heredera de modelos que en teoría son válidos. Max Manwaring menciona que el proyecto de Hugo Chávez, el que recibe la denominación de socialismo para el siglo 21, “begins with a premise that traditional post-World War II socialist and Marxist- Leninist political-economic models made mistakes, but the theory remains totally valid. The idea is that representative democracy and the U.S.-dominated capitalism of the new global era are total failures. Representative democracy and capitalism serve only elites—not common people. These failures must now be replaced by “participatory democracy,” “direct democracy,” or what retractors have called radical populism. In these terms, Chávez is re-elaborating the concept of democracy and promoting a socialist economic system as two parts of an overarching political model for the Latin American region.2
El concepto de bolivarianismo ha tenido, durante el periodo del presidente Hugo Chávez –quien es su mayor defensor, promotor y representante- un vínculo con una palabra que no le perteneció en su génesis basada en la idea de una Latinoamérica unida. Esta palabra es: democracia. Se considera oportuno que el bolivarianismo incluye a la democracia desde cuatro perspectivas: “the main tenets dictate that: 1) the new authority in the state must be a leader who communicates directly with the people, interprets their needs, and emphasizes “social expenditure” to guarantee the legitimate needs and desires of the people; 2) elections, Congress, and the courts will provide formal democracy and international legitimacy, but will have no real role in governance or the economy; 3) the state will continue to own or control the major means of national production and distribution; and 4) the national and regional political-economic integration function will be performed by the leader by means of his financial, material, and political-military support of people’s movements. This takes us to the notion of “Guerra de todo el pueblo” 3
Parte de la propuesta de Hugo Chávez, y que tiene variantes en otros países que responden al modelo bolivariano, es la creación de programas sociales para áreas como el desarrollo de la educación, la disminución del analfabetismo, reformas agrarias y la creación de cooperativas de trabajadores. At the same time, he has established MERCAL, a state company that provides subsidized staple foodstuffs to the poor. Chávez also has imported 16,000 Cuban doctors to help take care of the medical needs of the Venezuelan underclasses. Clearly, these programs offer tangible benefits to the mass of Venezuelans who were generally neglected by previous governments.4
El rostro
Simón Bolivar es quien inspira y da nombre al movimiento del cual se escribe en este trabajo. Se dice que “Bolívar no improvisaba. Era un hombre de ideas, revelándonos que su carácter reflexivo, demostrado en la guerra como en la práctica política, le había guiado, igual que a Napoleón, por el camino de un profundo respeto por el valor del pensamiento” 5
El proyecto bolivariano ha asumido tintes altamente personalistas, al menos bajo el gobierno del Presidente Hugo Chávez, quien “believes that his country’s forty-year experiment with western democracy resulted in 80% of the society living in poverty rather than transforming Venezuela into a capitalist country that looked like the United States or a Western European country. The belief in Venezuela’s petroleum-based wealth producing the living standards of the “West” for all classes was misguided. The goal was neither feasible nor desirable6. El presidente Chávez señala que el trabajo debe satisfacer las necesidades de los más pobres y ayudarlos a mantener un estándar de vida adecuado. Para lograr este fin, él considera oportuno desarmar instituciones que bloquean dicho progreso. Su visión se representa, en el marco de lo contrario a la propuesta antibolivariana- en lo que era el experimento democrático encarnado por el ex presidente estadounidense George W. Bush.
De hecho, ya hay variantes post George W. Bush. Se podría mencionar al neobolivarianismo, que asume que la cultura venezolana, y también la de otras zonas de Latinoamérica, es fruto de la diversidad y de una fusión de la trilogía cultural indígena, europea y africana, enriquecida por la presencia asiática.7
Opositores
No obstante, también hay quienes señalan el fracaso del modelo planteado por los mandatarios latinoamericanos que desean refrescar la idea bolivariana. Marta de la Vega y Caroline de Oteiza señalan que el proyecto del presidente Chávez más que estar basado sobre la concepción bolivariana lo está sobre la idea del resentimiento social, con la premisa de que ‘ser rico es malo’, que el enemigo principal es el oligarca y todo el que ensalce al régimen yanqui. Es aquel el que merece desprecio y descalificación por no sumarse al plan venezolano.
Las autoras señalan que en Venezuela “son mantenidas las estructuras formales, pero negados totalmente en la práctica sus principios fundamentales, como la igualdad ante la ley, la separación y autonomía de los Poderes Públicos, el diálogo, el respeto a las diferencias sin discriminaciones, la tolerancia, la seguridad de la convivencia ciudadana y una visión plural y consensuada de los principales retos que el país afronta. En el desempeño de la dirigencia política dominante, en especial, del Presidente de la República, por el carácter carismático y personalista del primer mandatario nacional, se acentúan las conductas autocráticas, las decisiones arbitrarias, el abuso como herramienta de su acción política y la subordinación a su voluntad de los otros órganos del Poder Público. El Presidente olvidó que es un servidor público, un funcionario para todos los ciudadanos de la República y se comporta, excluyente y sectariamente, sólo como defensor de su propio proyecto.8
Bolivarianismo y los medios
Los titulares de múltiples medios de comunicación latinoamericanos anunciaban el sábado 5 y el domingo 6 de septiembre que el gobierno venezolano, en voz de avanzar en la construcción del bolivarianismo, cerraría nuevos medios de comunicación que supuestamente difunden e incitan al magnicidio y contra la gestión de Hugo Chávez9. De hecho, el gobierno venezolano anunció que se sacarán más radios del aire, arguyendo irregularidades administrativas.
Mientras los partidarios del gobierno defienden la medida como una democratización del espacio radioeléctrico, sus adversarios lo señalan como un atentado contra la libertad de expresión. El análisis del mes de agosto de 2009 realizado por Open Source center, bajo el título de “Chavez moves to Silence opposition media” explica que el presidente venezolano busca introducir leyes sobre crímenes mediales, lo que brindaría posibilidad y autoridad para encarcelar a periodistas, ejecutivos de los medios y a blogueros que reporten algo que por el gobierno sea considerado ajeno a los intereses del Estado. “It is simultaneously moving to shut down more than 200 radio stations, impose broadcasting requirements on RCTV International, and position itself to take over opposition news station Globovision. Tightening control over opposition outlets could make it more difficult for Chavez to blame his favored scapegoat of the media for the country's problems, however”.10
Silencing his critics would allow Chavez to completely control the media message, but it would also deprive him of his long-standing scapegoat of what he describes as the oligarchic media11. La acción medial contra los medios sólo eliminará las críticas a nivel doméstico, tanto en diarios, revistas, televisoras y radios; así como también en partidos políticos y en el estudiantado universitario. No obstante, desde el exterior el mundo medial se impondrá como cruzada informar sobre el quehacer interno del gobierno bolivariano de Venezuela.
Asimismo, el programa de Chávez contempla la inclusión de los medios de comunicación como medio de propaganda. “El proceso de fortalecimiento de la economía social debe incluir los medios de comunicación por lo que se hace necesaria la conformación de una estructura de medios de comunicación alternativa donde se difunda la verdad en forma objetiva12. La revolución también debe ser comunicada mediante los medios de comunicación por tanto se construyó el requerimiento de fortificar a medios alternativos para dar una guerra ideológica y política.
Economía y bolivarianismo
Las críticas contra las imprecisiones y desvirtuaciones del boliviarianismo también están por el área económica. Fundamentalmente debido al cambio existente entre los primeros años de gobierno de Chávez y los que siguieron al primero periodo. Se comenzó siendo un país con tendencia económica anti Estados Unidos y anti empresas privadas venezolanas, pasando el año 2004 a declararse ‘socialista’.
En un principio, durante los primeros cinco años del gobierno de Chávez, la política económica fue particularmente “bolivariana”, pero sobretodo anti-norteamericana y anti-empresa privada nacional, hasta que se declaró “socialista” hacia el 2004, acogiendo principios marxistas. Entonces nació el Socialismo Bolivariano, ahora marxista. O socialista, “etapa previa del comunismo”.
Este importante cambio dio inicio a una serie de propuestas de administración empresarial para favorecer la clase trabajadora en el sector privado especialmente, más otros aspectos teóricos (plusvalía, valor-trabajo, ausencia del capital) que tienen sus intríngulis.13
El modelo económico es también, como señalan algunos, un modelo populista. Éste satisface las demandas rápidas de la gente pero no se prepara ni altera a favor de un plan de sustentabilidad a largo plazo. Como señala Reid, “As Reid notes, "Radical social movements of sometimes questionable representativeness might grab the headlines with street demonstrations, but the power of public opinion, expressed through the media, through local government or in civic groups, is often more significant in quietly achieving change."14
Aspecto internacional
Hugo Chávez, y sus presidentes aliados, durante los ocho años del gobierno de George W. Bush en Estados Unidos, usaron su gestión presidencial como el ejemplo a combatir, atacar, evitar y expulsar del pensamiento latinoamericano. La retórica antiestadounidense disminuyó un poco luego del triunfo de Barack Obama, pero la crítica al modelo yanqui continúa: “President Chávez claims that the United States has too much presence and that this cripples his efforts to build twenty-first century socialism in Venezuela. He seeks, therefore, to embarrass his northern neighbor at every opportunity and reduce its influence”. 15
A pesar de esa consideración, los ataques verbales a Estados Unidos han disminuido con el tiempo, decantando el concepto de bolivarianismo a un aspecto más doméstico: el quehacer barrial, la distribución de recursos y, el archicriticado, veto y censura a medios de comunicación que reprochen o critiquen al régimen chavista. Se puede evidenciar lo anterior, rememorando la frase “"I want to be your friend”, que Chávez dijo a Barack Obama durante la última Cumbre de Las Américas, celebrada en la isla de Trinidad en el Caribe austral. Sin embargo, el gesto fue –como señala Richard Feinberg- sólo para las cámaras de video, ya que “at the conclusion of the weekend conclave, Chavez and his political allies (members of his Bolivarian Alternative for Latin America, or ALBA) refused to sign the summit communiqué -- a rare break in the protocol of such normally heavily choreographed meetings. For the last year, diplomats had been working closely to negotiate word changes with Bolivia, Ecuador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, with the understanding that the edits would result in consensus. Not signing the final communiqué -- intended to serve as a plan of action for future inter-American collaboration -- was a public act of betrayal and an open rebellion against any revival of a true inter-American system.16
Caracter mítico del bolivarianismo
Nelly Arenas y Luís Gómez han escrito sobre el bolivarianismo desde su carácter mítico y su vinculación con Hugo Chávez. Ambos indican que toda la fuerza de este culto a la idea salida de Simón Bolivar se basa en la “profunda crisis sociopolítica que ha vivido Venezuela en los últimos años, lo que hizo posible que se fraguara un mito alrededor del comandante Chávez como figura redentora, quien fue percibido por buena parte de las capas populares como la encarnación del Libertador. La fuerza de este mito posibilitó la creación de estas unidades sociales, a las cuales parece asignarse un triple papel: el de organizadoras, canalizadoras de demandas y formadoras de ideología.17 Esta visión de construcción del bolivarianismo aporta una nueva óptica para comprender su instauración y expansión como ideología a seguir, al menos, como Chávez le ha definido.
Lydia Cacho, periodista mexicana defensora de los Derechos Humanos y miembro de la Comisión Internacional ARTICLE 19, hizo un llamado al Presidente Chávez para que respetara la libertad de expresión. "President Chávez should be congruent with all he has defended when he talks about Latin America and Venezuela and the protection of freedom of speech and freedom of thought,” 18 señala Lydia Cacho, ganadora del premio Fabricio Ojeda en Venezuela el año 2006 por defender los derechos humanos. Agrega que Chávez “should take measures to ensure the protection of freedom of expression in the country. His Mexican brothers and sisters expect no less from him".19
Por cómo se presenta el gobierno de Venezuela en los medios, todo hace presagiar que el bolivarianismo tiene aún tiempo para establecerse en el país petrolero. Su solidez en los países simpatizantes es más cuestionable. Sin embargo, el bolivarianismo tiene un futuro que –como se señala en un informe del Institute for Nacional Strategic Studies, se medirá en virtud de los resultados de gestión y continuidad de Hugo Chávez. Domestically, what is left of the traditional political opposition lacks unity and an attractive alternative message. Opponents, while marginalized, are permitted to conduct a limited opposition so as to maintain the fiction that Venezuela under the Fifth Republic is truly democratic.20
A partir de todo lo expuesto, las versiones fundacionales del bolivarianismo, sus pautas a seguir, los detalles y argumentos de sus opositores y el afán de Hugo Chávez por implementar completamente el modelo en Venezuela y otros territorios latinoamericanos, surgen algunas preguntas como ¿Es el bolivarianismo un capricho del presidente venezolano o corresponde a un verdadero tiempo histórico que irrumpe en el quehacer político de Latinoamérica y el mundo? ¿Por qué se prolonga más allá del deseo de Simón Bolívar, aquel plan por conseguir una América Latina unida geopolíticamente para enfrentar al poder eurocentrista y estadounidense? ¿Es viable de configurar la propuesta mediante una vinculación militarista, uniendo al pueblo con el ejército, tal como se desea hacer en Venezuela? ¿Es el surgimiento de una institucionalidad nueva que se viste de organizaciones cívico-militares para refundar el concepto de democracia?
Las respuestas a estas preguntas surgirán de la oposición, de la práctica de los principios bolivarianos y del juicio que el pueblo haga de sus gobernantes. Ellos verán si el modelo basado en la idea de Bolívar surte efectos en la sociedad.

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